Skip to main content

About your Search

20130115
20130115
Search Results 0 to 2 of about 3
the civil rights act of 1964. it took lyndon johnson to probably send it forward. he overcame what seems to be an unshakable logjam. in short, in our lifetimes, we have served enough nontrivial policy changes to recognize the inherent iron grip of status quo forces can be shattered and policy can progress. in the next few weeks, we can anticipate and hope that the debate over the regulation of guns and the balance between individual rights and civic obligation will command sustained into serious attention from our political leadership. advocates will mobilize as lobbyists plied their cases. in this unruly mix, universities like ours can and will discharge a critical role in providing principled scaffolding for this debate. here at johns hopkins, our scholars have been investigating the public health effects of gun violence for well over two decades. for the past 17 years, the center for gun aussie and research, envisaged by our colleague, has provided a home for that study areas producing nationally recognized research and recommendations aimed at understanding and curtailing the impact
control act, one of the last pieces of legislation assigned by lyndon baines johnson gives the president of the united states of america the authority to ban importation into the u.s. weapons that are not needed for the military or suitable for sport. stuart: that is legit? judge napolitano: hear me out. the president can use his judgment as to what is not suitable for sport. if he abuses that judgment, so as to curtail weapons for self-defense by saying you can use them because they are not usable for sport, that would be the use of an executive order because he would tell the justice keep arming the treasury department not to let these things coming and the effect of it would interfere with self-defense. stuart: i am bored with it. i don't care about 1968. judge napolitano: the same authority president obama has. stuart: tell me your judgment, if the president uses an executive order to command, demand background checks universally is that are unconstitutional. judge napolitano: he does not have the authority to do that. because that is an interference with the free trade in interstate
lyndon johnson's legislative genius to process forward, beat back resistance and over, what seem to be an unshakable logjam. in short, in our lifetime we observed enough nontrivial policy change to recognize that the iron grip of static coal forces can be shattered and policy can progress. in the next few weeks we can anticipate and hope that the debate over the effect of regulation of guns and the appropriate balance between individual rights and civic obligations will command sustained and serious attention from our political leadership. advocates will mobilize as lobbyists apply to cases, and politicians will fight over the issues. we know that. and in this unruly mix, universities like ours can and will discharge a critical role providing principle holdings for this debate. here at johns hopkins, our scholars have been investigating the public health affects of gun violence for well over two decades. for the past 17 years, the center for gun policy and research, as visited by our colleague him has provided a home for the study, producing nationally recognized research and rec
Search Results 0 to 2 of about 3